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Archaeology
Project
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Part 7.
What Was this Compound Used For?
The remains
of the Qumran compound are modest enough that several theories can be used
to explain the evidence. Jodi Magness' article, "Qumran
Archaeology: Past Perspectives and Future Prospects," lays out some
of these theories and the evidence for and against them.
For this
part of the online project, read each of the theories below. Consider
the pros and cons of each, and summarize the results of your discussion
after reading all the theories.
Theory
1. Villa
This theory
has been promoted by the Belgian heirs of Roland de Vaux's archaeological
work, Robert Donceel and his wife Pauline Donceel-Voûte, as well
as by Jean-Baptiste Humbert of the École Biblique et Archeologique
Française in Jerusalem.1
The authors
rest their theory on several grounds. First, the number of 1231 coins
found at Qumran is unusually high, suggesting a commercial role for
the site. Second, several juglets with remnants of aromatic balsam and
bitumen or pitch from the Dead Sea suggest that the site was connected
with trade of these items. Third, the room pictured above has a slightly
raised platform at the base of the walls on three sides, suggestive
of dining rooms or triclinia in the villas of the wealthy from
this period (couches would be set on these platforms, and diners would
recline while eating). Fourth, the benches de Vaux reconstructed as
writing tables from the second-story "scriptorium" were actually
the platforms for couches on which diners would recline, thus evidence
of another triclinium. And fifth, several items not yet published,
such as intricately chiseled stone urns and fancy glassware, defy the
consensus view that "monastic simplicity" characterizes the
site.
As you
consider this evidence, you may want to glance at Magness 53-7,
where the author cites kinds of evidence from contemporary Judean villas
that are not found at Qumran.
1
Donceel and Donceel-Voûte, "The Archaeology of Khirbet Qumran,"
in Methods of Investigation of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Khirbet
Qumran Site: Present Realities and Future Prospects (ed. Michael
O. Wise, Norman Golb, John J. Collins, and Dennis G. Pardee; Annals
of the New York Academy of Sciences 722; New York: New York Academy
of Sciences, 1994) 1-38; P. Donceel-Voûte, "Les ruines de Qumran
réinterprétées," Archeologia 298 (1994)
24-35; Jean-Baptiste Humbert, "L'espace sacré à Qumrân,"
Revue Biblique 101-102 (1994) 161-214.
Theory
2. Fortress
This theory
has been promoted by Dr. Norman Golb of the University of Chicago.2
Golb notes
that, before the caves first yielded fragments, observers visiting the
region identified the site as a military fortress (this is because,
at this point, only the tall tower was visible; the rest of the compound
was hidden under dirt). He finds subsequent archaeological evidence
that points to a fortress. First, there is evidence that the site was
razed as the result of military action (collapsed walls, traces of fire,
iron arrowheads of Roman origin). Second, the elaborate water system
at the site, though not originating from a spring within its walls,
nevertheless points to a self-sufficient and protected compound. In
Golb's estimate, the cisterns could have held 1127 cubic meters of water,
enough to supply 750 people with 6 liters per person per day for 8 months.
Third, a wall surrounds the compound, and a well-fortified tower with
four interior rooms stands at the northern, least defensible entrance
to the compound. Remains of this tower stand two stories tall; brick
remnants inside suggest a third story. The tower was apparently fortified
on its exposed sides after some destruction (an earthquake?) c.
31 B.C.E. Fourth, the last Jewish coins at the site date
to 68 B.C.E., and that is why de Vaux dated the destruction
of the compound to that year. But it is unlikely that the residents
at the site had newly minted coins, so it more likely that the site
was destroyed sometime after 68 B.C.E.
If Qumran
was a fortress, and if its inhabitants were destroyed in a battle with
the Romans, this would contradict the thesis that the Essenes occupied
the site, at least insofar as ancient historians report that the Essenes
were pacifists (Philo, Every Good Man is Free, 12; Josephus,
War 2.125).
2
"Khirbet Qumran and the Manuscript Finds of the Judaean Wilderness,"
in Methods of Investigation of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Khirbet
Qumran Site: Present Realities and Future Prospects (ed. Michael
O. Wise, Norman Golb, John J. Collins, and Dennis G. Pardee; Annals
of the New York Academy of Sciences 722; New York: New York Academy
of Sciences, 1994) 51-72; Who Wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls? (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1995) 3-41.
Theory
3. Commercial Center
This theory
has been promoted by Alan Crown and Lena Cansdale.3
It rests
on much of the same evidence on which Donceel and Donceel-Voûte
base their argument for a villa. For example, Crown and Cansdale also
observe the high-quality stoneware from Jerusalem, luxurious glassware,
and coin hoard present at the Qumran site. They note that the Qumran
site was right along a major trade route that skirted the western shore
of the Dead Sea, and they take the coin hoard as evidence that the denizens
of Qumran participated actively in that trade. Trade consisted of local
products, such as bitumen, balsam, salt and natron (used for mummification),
and dates. A wharf in the Dead Sea at the base of Wadi Qumran provides
evidence of a commercial installation that would have served the site.
The authors note that there is little evidence that the Qumran residents
farmed the nearby area. They consider the elaborate water system in
the complex as necessary for commerce and beyond the financial and intellectual
resources of the Essenes. The site would have served as a fortified
tax collection center on the trade route, as well as an inn for travelers.
Its cemetery would have served travelers dying en route.
An
important part of Crown and Cansdale's argument is that, if Qumran is
a commercial center, it cannot at the same time be an Essene settlement.
They seek to disprove the Essene theory by contrasting things said about
Essenes and statements in the scrolls, on the one hand, from the archaeological
evidence of the site on the other. So, for example, ancient sources
and the scrolls themselves suggest that the Essenes were pacifists first,
only becoming warlike as a last resort; in contrast, the Qumran site
was destroyed in a fierce military confrontation. Ancient texts say
that some of the Essenes refrained from marriage, while some others
were married; in contrast, the Qumran site has graves containing women's
and children's skeletons.4
Ancient sources say the Essenes opposed slavery, yet the scrolls and
an ostracon from the Qumran site suggest that members could own slaves
(CD 12.10; KhQ 1). Ancient texts say the Essenes scorned wealth, but
Crown and Cansdale cannot square this with the luxury goods found at
the Qumran site.
3
"Qumran--Was It an Essene Settlement?" Biblical Archaeology Review
20 (1994) 24-36, 73-8.
4
Subsequent scientfic study of the bones suggests that most of the female
and infant skeletons are recent Bedouin burials.
Theory
4. Ritual Purification Center
This theory
was published by Edward M. Cook.4
Cook believes
that the three above theories suffer because they cannot reconcile the
compound, the scrolls found nearby, and the cemetery of 1200+ graves.
He contends
that the amount of water that could be collected at the site far exceeded
the drinking and washing requirements of the people who stayed there,
a number he estimates to be around 50-70, rather than the usual 150-300
(the lack of residential space and food in the vicinity preclude such
a high number, in his view). Therefore, he believes that many of the
water pits were ritual baths or mikva'ot, and that Qumran was
a regional center for such purifications.
Cook reads Temple Scroll 46.16-18 (DSST p. 168) as a mandate
to build such a purification center east of Jerusalem. Thus Qumran would
have functioned as a place where the ritually impure could have cleansed
themselves. Some of the pits, both at Qumran and the nearby 'Ein Feshka,
would have served as laundry pits to cleanse clothes as well. Qumran
was a kind of "Jerusalem east," where all of the purity requirements
of Jerusalem applied. Hence temporary dwellers would be males refraining
from intercourse, an activity that was considered defiling (this explains
the preponderance of male skeletons in the cemetery).
4
"What was Qumran? A Ritual Purification Center," Biblical Archaeology
Review 22 (6 1996) 39, 48-51, 73-5.
Theory
5. Community Center for Ascetic Group
In contrast
to the above scholars, many still hold to Roland de Vaux's view
that the compound is best explained as the community center for a sectarian
Jewish group, whose lifestyle was characterized by simplicity.
The evidence
that the site is a community center includes the following:
- the
preponderance of communal rooms as opposed to small, private rooms
- the
large cemetery, including several burials in coffins
- the
plethora of scroll caves nearby
- the
numerous ritual baths
The evidence
that the site is to be associated with a sectarian Jewish group includes
the following:
- the
contents of the scrolls, which set the authors apart from other
Jews
- the
orientation of the dining room toward Jerusalem (the sacred meals
of this community are somehow associated with the sacred meals in
the Temple in Jerusalem)
- the
presence of animal bones buried in jars, which may suggest animal
sacrifice (thus supplanting the activity of the Jerusalem temple?)
- the
presence of a hoard of 561 silver Tyrian tetradrachmas, a special
coin denomination used to pay the Temple tax (some have suggested
that this community usurped the right to that tax from its members,
thus again taking on the role of the Temple)
The evidence
that the site is to be associated with an ascetic group advocating a simple
lifestyle includes the following:
- the
desert location
- the
multiple installations for ritual purification
- the
simplicity of the pottery (lack of decoration, made on site rather
than imported)
- the
uniformity of serving dishes, indicating a lack of rank at least
in dining privileges
- the
lack of evidence of female adornment and female skeletons
- the
simple style of grave and lack of grave goods
- the
numerous ritual baths
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